Featured Essay
Featured Link

Full Collections
Essays (425)
Quotations (6095)
Links (715)
Books (232)

Other Pages
About Us
Bookseller Affiliations
Contact Us
Editorial Board
Excellent Essays
Excellent Sites
Liberal Magic
Mush Quotations
Our New Look
Privacy Policy
Sign Up!
Amazon.com online bookstore

6,095 quotations, showing Brinkley to Buddha

Help with searching
First page of current selection Previous page of current selection Next page of current selection Last page of current selection
Brinkley, David
The one function TV news performs very well is that when there is no news we give it to you with the same emphasis as if there were.

Brinner, Roger
The plural of anecdote is not data.

Briskman, Larry
There are powerful arguments to suggest that....the pursuit of equality through the use of government coercion must destroy the framework of individual, and thus personal, liberty. For, as Robert Nozick has pointed out, individual differences [of talent, effort, taste, and so on] will, within such a framework, continuously (and spontaneously) produce new inequalities however we try to arrange the starting position of the individual citizens. Thus the socialist pursuit of equality must require an ever increasing interference with, and destruction of, personal liberty.

1988 - from Two Cheers for Ideology, published by the Scottish Young Conservatives
Brittain, Vera
Politics are usually the executive expression of human immaturity.

1964 - from Rebel Passion
Broadfoot, Dave  
Canada is a collection of ten provinces with strong governments loosely connected by fear.

Brock, J.D.L.  
Canada faces a crisis and an opportunity. The Trans-Canada engine of the centralist regime is chugging its last, and the provinces have not been appeased. The push for legislative union, as old as the idea of a Canadian state and as new as the Charter, has failed. The ideology of regulation has confused centralism with federalism, and federalism with Liberalism... As a country, we must rediscover the meaning of federalism.

Nov. 01, 1998 - from The Pith Review
We find ourselves today unable to speak, except in the language of Liberal myths: the English Canadian, the Canadian nation, the problem of Quebec, the alienation of the West. There is no such thing as an English Canadian; Canada is a Confederation not a Union; there is no problem with Quebec, but with the rest of the country which refuses to believe that federal provinces are supposed to be sovereign; the West is not alienated from Ottawa, but Ottawa is alienated from the West,

Nov. 01, 1998 - from The Pith Review
Brode, Patrick  
The problem is the charter [the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms] itself. The issue is always, who has the authority to make the laws? The charter constituted a wholesale transfer of power to the judges. [The adoption of the charter was] an unacknowledged revolution, and another revolution will be required to reverse it.

Jan. 19, 1998 - quoted in "The makings of a counter-revolution", an essay in Alberta Report
Brodie, Ian  
Judges and their junior siblings at the country's human rights commissions may, from time to time, strike a blow for smaller government. But usually they're busy expanding government: giving federal civil servants multi-billion-dollar pay increases under the rubric of pay equity; telling religious institutions in Alberta that they must justify their hiring decisions to human rights tribunals; investigating what newspapers and magazines try to publish. Judicial activism and human rights commission proceedings may offer up the odd decision to warm the heart of liberal democrats. But they're more often busy building government rather than shrinking it.

Jun. 26, 1999 - letter in The National Post
Bronowski, Jacob
No science is immune to the infection of politics and the corruption of power.

1971 - from Encounter

Ask an impertinent question, and you are on the way to a pertinent answer.

1973 - from The Ascent of Man
Every animal leaves traces of what he was; man alone leaves traces of what he created.

1973 - from The Ascent of Man
Brooks, Gwendolyn
Be careful what you swallow. Chew!

1995 - advice to graduates of Buena Vista University
Brooks, William  
... by the late nineteenth century, the classical curriculum of the British grammar school, imported in the early years of colonial North America, gave way to the ideas of European social revolutionaries like Rousseau, Pestalozzi, Herbart and Froebels. These philosophers changed our perception of the school's purpose, slowly eroding the traditional concentration on formal literacy and the acquisition of knowledge, and giving way to an increasing concern with the methods of teaching and the interests of the child.

Jan. 1994 - from "Was Dewey a Marxist?", published by The St. Lawrence Institute for the Advancement of Learning
...one of the most striking characteristics of our progressive education system is the obscurity of its aims and objectives.

1975 - from "Some Reflections on Canadian Education", published in the History and Social Science Teacher
... the movement spawned by [philosopher and educator John] Dewey at the turn of the century is systematically woven around a common philosophy whose roots are deeply embedded in the intellectual life of nineteenth century Europe. ... not only have progressive educators been social revolutionaries in their own right, but that John Dewey himself owes a yet-to-be-fully-acknowledged debt to Marxism that has produced a profound paradigmatic effect on educational theory and practice throughout this century. Canadian education has borrowed heavily from this paradigm.

Jan. 1994 - from "Was Dewey a Marxist?", published by The St. Lawrence Institute for the Advancement of Learning
... in 1979, I worked with Professor Yarema Kelebay of McGill University on a project mandated by the Quebec Association of Teachers of History. As two former Presidents of that Association, we were asked to analyze the contents of a new Canadian history syllabus that had been developed for Quebec high schools by the Quebec Ministry of Education. We concluded that the course of study was profoundly anti-capitalist and embraced a Marxist economic interpretation to the exclusion of all other perspectives on Canadian history. The reaction to our conclusions was stormy to say the least, and there was a great deal of opposition to the thesis, primarily on the basis that this was not the sort of thing that should be brought up in polite company.

Jan. 1994 - from "Was Dewey a Marxist?", published by The St. Lawrence Institute for the Advancement of Learning
[After an analysis of the teaching of economics in Canadian high schools] ... we found an unmistakable tilt in economics education toward Fabian and Keynesian themes, and a general absence of the corpus of thought that supported the idea of a free marketplace.

Jan. 1994 - from "Was Dewey a Marxist?", published by The St. Lawrence Institute for the Advancement of Learning
The development of appropriate educational policy can be crucial to the well-being of a society. Policy developers should not become unwitting slaves to other men's ideas especially when those ideas may become destructive of the goals and purposes of the very societies they seek to serve. ... Before change and a shift to more appropriate policy is possible, the slaves [to current education idealogy] must be set free.

Jan. 1994 - from "Was Dewey a Marxist?", published by The St. Lawrence Institute for the Advancement of Learning
Unfortunately, philosophy is no longer taken seriously, either as a source of success or failure in education. The much talked about problems in our schools today are, for the most part, examined in material terms. Aside from the ethnocentric issue of language of instruction, all parties seem to have agreed to discuss education almost entirely as a fiscal issue. The conventional progressive paradigm, albeit with frequent revisions and practical modifications, is fundamentally unchallenged. ... Public officials have conceded control over the content of education to appointed 'professionals' and any trespass into that jurisdiction is regarded with utmost impatience.

Jan. 1994 - from "Was Dewey a Marxist?", published by The St. Lawrence Institute for the Advancement of Learning

The educational community should never surrender its right to dissent and raise questions about the nature of our culture. The longing to play a role in the development of a good and just society remains one of the highest and most valuable motivations of the teacher. But in the shadow of so many twentieth century societies that have been fractured, vulgarized and impoverished by Marxist ideology, it may be time to begin a more open discourse about the sources of thought that set the agenda for our schools.

Jan. 1994 - from "Was Dewey a Marxist?", published by The St. Lawrence Institute for the Advancement of Learning
Brougham, Lord
Education makes people easy to lead, but difficult to drive; easy to govern, but impossible to enslave.

Feb. 7, 1828 - from his speech "The Present State of the Law"
Browder, Charles
When you try to formalize or socialize creative activity, the only sure result is commercial constipation ... The good ideas are all hammered out in agony by individuals, not spewed out by groups.

1957 - quoted in Contemporary Quotations (1964) by James B. Simpson
Brower, David Ross
We don't inherit the Earth from our ancestors, we borrow it from our children.

Brown, Coleman Barr
... most things worth finding, or trying, involve us in embarrassment.

1996 - from his published remarks upon retirement, published in The Scene, Colgate University
Brown, George W.  
In a true democracy the majority must not use its power as a steam roller riding ruthlessly over the interests and feelings of the minority; while, at the same time, the minority has an equal obligation to respect and co-operate with the majority. Whatever democracy is, it is not government by brute force but by persuasion. It is a sense of fair play, of justice and sportsmanship in the highest sense of that term.

1952 - from "Canadian Democracy … In Action", J.M. Dent and Sons publisher
Having seen dictatorships rise in other countries, we should be foolish to say 'it can't happen here.' As Abraham Lincoln said: 'The price of liberty is eternal vigilance', and liberty is our most precious possession So, then, should vigilance be our constant care.

1952 - from "Canadian Democracy … In Action", J.M. Dent and Sons publisher
Democracy must have people who understand and believe in its principles and are determined to preserve them, for it will not last by itself or by wishful thinking. Democracy must have people who are determined to work together, who have convictions of their own but are willing to respect and co-operate with those with whom they disagree. Democracy must have educated and thinking people, people who believe not merely in preserving their rights but in shouldering their share of responsibilities, people of self discipline and community spirit.

1952 - from "Canadian Democracy … In Action", J.M. Dent and Sons publisher
Those who have responsibilities without rights are slaves, those who have rights without responsibility are parasites.

1952 - from "Canadian Democracy … In Action", J.M. Dent and Sons publisher
The greatest danger which faces democratic government in the modern world is that the peoples of the democracies themselves may not understand their own institutions.

1952 - from "Canadian Democracy … In Action", J.M. Dent and Sons publisher

Brown, H. Jackson
Remember that all important truths are simple.

from Life's Little Instruction Book
In the confrontation between the stream and the rock, the stream always wins - not through strength but by perserverance.

from Life's Little Instruction Book
Brown, Jerry
 The government is becoming the family of last resort.

Brown, Rita Mae
Morals are private. Decency is public.

from Starting from Scratch
Browne, Harry
Any time you give power to government it will be abused, it will be enlarged, it will be used in ways you never intended. ... Any time you give power to politicians they're going to use it in every conceivable way possible to please those who have the most political influence and it's never going to be you and it's never going to be me.

Jul. 30, 1999 - from an interview on the Matt Drudge Show
... government is supposed to perform certain limited functions -- such as keeping the peace, protecting our borders, operating schools, issuing money, providing roads, and delivering mail -- but government has moved far beyond those functions to meddle in almost every area of our lives. In the process, government has neglected its original functions ... [For example] government schools no longer have the money or the time to teach our children how to read well, but they have the resources to mold our children into one-world citizens and environmental zealots.

from his essay "The Breakdown of Government"
Some people say our program to reduce the federal government goes too far, that it throws the baby out with the bath water. But we have no choice -- this is Rosemary's baby we're talking about.

1996 - from a campaign speech
Today, it is the government that is free--free to do whatever it wants. There is no subject, no issue, no matter... that is not subject to legislation

A little government involvement is just as dangerous as a lot - because the first leads inevitably to the second.

Browning, Robert
So free we seem, so fettered fast we are!

1855 - from "Andrea del Sarto" in Men and Women

... a man's reach should exceed his grasp

1855 - from "Andrea del Sarto" in Men and Women
Brownson, Orestes Augustus
Politicians may do as they please, so long as they violate no rule of right, no principle of justice, no law of God; but in no world, in no order, or condition, have men the right to do wrong.

He who has read Aristotle's Politics has read the history of American democracy, and the unanswerable refutation of all democratic theories and tendencies of modern liberals.

My sect is now the world, my party is everywhere, my creed truth wherever I can find it, and under whatever name it may come.

Jan. 1830 - from an essay in the Free Enquirer
Brubaker, Elizabeth  
With ... laws and regulations, governments have taken power out of the hands of those affected by pollution and put it into their own hands. They have substituted their own cost-benefit calculations for those of the parties involved. Of course they could not possibly know all of the costs of their decisions or weigh them against all of the benefits. What they could weigh were the political costs and benefits of their decisions. The price — economic, environmental, and social — of such political decisions has often been exorbitant. But government decision makers haven't had to pay the price. Instead, it has been borne by the individuals and communities affected. ... Decisions about resource use should be made closer to the situations themselves. They should be made by those who will be most affected by them. ... But we must empower them to do so. We can't expect them to protect themselves if they don't have strong property rights. Decentralization requires the establishment — or restoration — of secure property rights.

Mar. 1998 - from "Power to the people", published in The Next City Magazine
Bruce, Lenny
The liberals can understand everything but people who don't understand them.

quoted in The Essential Lenny Bruce (1967), edited by John Cohen
Communism is like one big phone company.

Bruce, Tammy
The essential ingredients in the milieu of social change - freedom of expression and personal liberty - have suffered extraordinary damage in the name of "social equality" or "feminism" or "civil rights." Agendas cloaked in these respected labels of have turned people away from the heart of these ideals and, in some cases, actually reversed social progress for everyone, including women, people of color, and others...

2001 - from The New Thought Police
There is a method to the madness of those who have chosen to protect us from ourselves. Nothing in the theory of feminism or civil rights requires people to stop thinking their own thoughts. On the contrary, civil rights are reliant on individual freedom. The spiral down and away from individual liberty can be traced directly to the rejection of the rights of one for the rights of the many. This group-rights mentality is nothing new; it is steeped in the "progressive" concept that the individual must submit to what is best for everyone else. This idea stems not from the ideal of civil rights but from the well of socialism, the foundational model of the far Left. Once we accept group theory, it not only becomes easier to reject individual rights (like freedom of expression) but actually becomes essential that we do so.

2001 - from The New Thought Police
Bruyère, Jean de la
Liberality consists less in giving a great deal than in gifts well-timed.

If it be usual to be strongly impressed by things that are scarce, why are we so little impressed by virtue?

1696 - from Les Caractères
Life is a tragedy for those who feel, and a comedy for those who think.

1696 - from Les Caractères
Party loyalty lowers the greatest of men to the petty level of the masses.

1696 - from Les Caractères
If poverty is the mother of crime, stupidity is its father.

1696 - from Les Caractères
It is a sad thing when men have neither the wit to speak well, nor the judgement to hold their tongues.

1696 - from Les Caractères
Those who make the worst use of their time are the first to complain of its shortness.

Bryan, William Jennings
The humblest citizen of all the land when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of Error.

Science is a magnificent force, but it is not a teacher of morals. It can perfect machinery, but it adds no moral restraints to protect society from the misuse of the machine. It can also build gigantic intellectual ships, but it constructs no moral rudders for the control of storm tossed human vessels.

1925 - from an argument, written but not made, in Tennessee vs John Scopes, the "Scopes Monkey Trial"
Destiny is a matter of choice; it is not a thing to be waited for, it is a thing to be achieved.

Bryden, John  
Because government grants enable organizations to exist without active memberships, they are not troubled by internal accountability. This might be all right if the government money came with some strings attached, with a requirement to show how well the government money was spent. Alas this is not the case.

1994 - from his federal report on grants to organizations, quoted by Martin Loney in "Another Day, Another Slush Fund", published in the National Post, Jan 24, 2000

Buchan, John
We can pay our debt to the past by putting the future in debt to ourselves.

An atheist is a man who has no invisible means of support.

Man, according to Aristotle, is a political animal, but there is an exception in the case of a Governor General. His views on public policy can only be the views of his Ministers. If he touches on the subject he must confine himself to what may be called Governor-Generalities.

1940 - quoted in Canadian Occasions: Addresses and in Famous Lasting Words by John Robert Columbo
Buchanan, James M.
I like the noise of democracy.

[What is the role of government?] We don't think nearly enough about it - especially the general public doesn't think enough about it. ... I'm not one of those anarcho-capitalists who thinks that there's no role for government. In one sense I'm a philosophical anarchist but on the other hand I think government's absolutely necessary, but it's necessary in a limited way. I go along very much with the James Madison view that the role of government, and particularly the central government, is to provide the parameters within which we play the economic and political game.

from Erosion of the Constitution, an interview for The Idea Channel
We're just at the threshold beginning to examine the whole structure of our institutions in a foundational sense. It's partly because the ideology that was behind a lot of the socialist thrust is gone. Partly we recognize a lot of failures. We recognize that the political or governmental sector is too large. The problem is more acute in some countries than it is in ours. Sweden, for example, is in really bad trouble. They've over-extended the welfare state. They don't know what to do. They're failing. They're falling behind. But it's true in all the major countries.

Sep. 1995 - from an interview published in The Region, a publication of the Woodrow Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
It's not the Federal Reserve's [central bank's] role to be solving the economic problems of the day. I think the Federal Reserve has enough to do, and it should target itself much more carefully toward keeping the value of the monetary means stable and quit doing other things.

Sep. 1995 - from an interview published in The Region, a publication of the Woodrow Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
I was influenced by the Swedish economist Wicksell, who said if you want to improve politics, improve the rules, improve the structure. Don't expect politicians to behave differently. They behave according to their interests.

Sep. 1995 - from an interview published in The Region, a publication of the Woodrow Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
Why didn't we have deficits before? You see the Keynesian economic revolution gave the politicians an excuse for deficits. You give politicians half an excuse; they play out this natural proclivity. ... As you destroy the old-time fiscal religion, you're going to have this natural proclivity toward deficits. In 1977 [my book] called Democracy in Deficit [made] the argument that the Keynesian destruction of the old mythology about balanced budgets would guarantee the regime that we've had. Certainly the predictions in that book have held up very well.

Sep. 1995 - from an interview published in The Region, a publication of the Woodrow Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
If you recognize the natural proclivity of democratic politics to generate deficits, you recognize that we did have a constitutional norm against deficits. It was basically a moral norm: It was a 'sin' to create deficits prior to the Keynesian period. If you remove that moral norm you have this natural proclivity.

Sep. 1995 - from an interview published in The Region, a publication of the Woodrow Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis

Buchwald, Art
I always wanted to get into politics, but I was never light enough to make the team.

Tax reform is taking the taxes off things that have been taxed in the past and putting taxes on things that haven't been taxed before.

Buck, Pearl S.
Every great mistake has a halfway moment, a split second when it can be recalled and perhaps remedied.

1942 - from What American Means to Me
Buck, Tim  
You can't cross a chasm in two leaps.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Buckley, William F.
How can the modern relativist exercise tolerance if he doesn't believe in anything to begin with? It is not hard to exhibit toleration toward a point of view if you have no point of view of your own with which that point of view conflicts.

from Up From Liberalism
The state is a divine institution. Without it we have anarchy, and the lawlessness of anarchy is counter to the natural law: so we abjure all political theories which view the state as inherently and necessarily evil. But it is the state which has been in history the principal instrument of abuse of the people, and so it is central to the conservatives' program to keep the state from accumulating any but the most necessary powers.

from The Catholic
World War is the second worst activity of mankind, the worst being acquiescence in slavery.

from On the Right
In non-revolutionary situations, most voters are not drawn to reductionist formulations.

Feb. 09, 1997 - from a collection of essays published under the title "On the Future of Conservatism" by Commentary magazine
I would like to electrocute everyone who uses the word 'fair' in connection with income tax policies.

A difficulty of American conservatives at this moment is that we are without a harnessing bias, which the Cold War gave us; and we are not completely comfortable with the metaphysics of democratic order. If our vision is unencumbered by conscientious qualifications or skepticism, then why can't we march forward?

Nov. 01, 1997 - from a speech delivered to the International Conservative Congress, as quoted in National Review Magazine

The gravamen of the liberals' case against America has always had to do with the free-market society's disposition to let people make out on their own. We are preached to, cajoled, and thundered at concerning the care we must take for those who do not learn to read and write, or to refuse drugs, or to resist criminal temptation, or to engage in libertine sex. Is it a special responsibility of conservatives to adopt correlative attitudes toward failures of a certain character?

Nov. 01, 1997 - from a speech delivered to the International Conservative Congress, as quoted in National Review Magazine
A man who fathers a child whom he proceeds to ignore is a second-class citizen. How should we discourage second-class behavior? Isn't this a fruitful concern of conservatives whose stake is so large in the preservation of the family?

Nov. 01, 1997 - from a speech delivered to the International Conservative Congress, as quoted in National Review Magazine
We are so concerned to flatter the majority that we lose sight of how very often it is necessary, in order to preserve freedom for the minority, let alone for the individual, to face that majority down.

Idealism is fine, but as it approaches reality the cost becomes prohibitive.

Back in the thirties we were told we must collectivize the nation because the people were so poor. Now we are told we must collectivize the nation because the people are so rich.

Liberals claim to want to give a hearing to other views, but then are shocked and offended to discover that there are other views.

Liberals... are generous with other peoples' money, except when it comes to questions of national survival when they prefer to be generous with other people's freedom and security.

Conservatism is the politics of reality.

First principles, to be sure, don't always work. They are largely ignored in wartime, for instance. But since we are not at war, we tend to magnify lesser problems and to appropriate military rhetoric in discussing them, as of course the wars on poverty, drugs, racism, etc. If we were at war, we would reorder our priorities and subordinate our complaints. Gratefully we aren't at war, but this shouldn't mean that we have license to neglect priorities that are built into the market systems.

Jun. 4, 2001 - from "Oh What A Mess!", published by Universal Press Syndicate
I profoundly believe it takes a lot of practice to become a moral slob.

The government of the United States, under Lyndon Johnson, proposes to concern itself over the quality of American life. And this is something very new in the political theory of free nations. The quality of life has heretofore depended on the quality of the human beings who gave tone to that life, and they were its priests and its poets, not its bureaucrats.

Aug. 7, 1965 - from his column in National Review
I am obliged to confess that I should sooner live in a society governed by the first two thousand names in the Boston telephone directory than in a society governed by the two thousand faculty members of Harvard University...

1963 - from "A reply to Robert Hutchins", Rumbles Left and Right, p.134
It is widely assumed by the other side on the drug question that to decriminalize drugs would be to register a social assent to drug consumption. [I] ... stress the contrary. The initial problem is to make clear that to license an activity is not to approve it. We license the publication of Hustler magazine even as we gag at the knowledge of what goes on within its covers.

Apr. 5, 1995 - quoted in the Buffalo News
I was 19 years old when the Cold War was ignited at Yalta, and the year the Berlin Wall came down, I became a senior citizen. Thus the Cold War lasted throughout my adult lifetime, which meant that tens of millions lived their adult lifetimes in the bitter, seemingly endless cold of tyranny. The lessons are two: first, that great strategic ends can take generations to realize; second, that at least some element of impatience is owed to ideals envisioned and realizable.

Nov. 01, 1997 - from a speech delivered to the International Conservative Congress, as quoted in National Review Magazine
One must bear in mind that the expansion of federal activity is a form of eating for politicians.

Sep. 08, 1964 - from his column in National Review
Socialize the individual's surplus and you socialize his spirit and creativeness; you cannot paint the Mona Lisa by assigning one dab of paint to a thousand painters.

from Up From Liberalism
Reagan had the best intuitive sense of priorities of any president in the postwar period, when it became a constant struggle to know what to pay attention to. His designation of the Soviet Union as an 'evil empire' froze the blood of international diplomacy, but agitated the moral imagination and did more to advance U.S. national objectives than a year's Pentagon spending ... who, more resonantly than he, made the case against Big Government? Could he have known that a Democratic president, seven years after Reagan left office, would serve as an echo chamber on the matter of an end to Big Government? Reagan belongs on Mount Rushmore, and he'll be there, after the carpers die off.

Mar. 1997 - quoted in "There You Go Again", by Alvin S. Felzenberg, published in Policy Review
The best defense against usurpatory government is an assertive citizenry.

To recognize knowledge as ignorance is noble; but to regard ignorance as knowledge is evil.

Work out your own salvation. Do not depend on others.